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Tracing the history of courtship in twentieth-century America, historian Beth Bailey cited changes in society as shifting the domain of courtship from the private sphere to a public one.1 One of these changes involved the entry of women into the labor market. With the increased participation of women in the labor force, the responsibility for financ¬ing dates changed as men and women struggled for control over the courtship system. The new system of courtship applied the rules of the marketplace to personal affairs.
The new system of courtship privileged competition (and worried about how to control it); it valued comparison; it presented an economic model of scarcity and abundance as a guide to personal affairs. The rules of the mar¬ket were consciously applied; the vocabulary of exchange defined in acts of courtship [p. 5].
Another shift in courtship has occurred in modern society as eco¬nomic and social arrangements combined with technological changes to broaden the scope of personal relationships. These changes have stimulated new opportunities for people to meet one another, as dif¬ferent groups now use an array of new scripts for intimate connections. Hooking up, the casual sexual encounters associated with college-age men and women, precedes or displaces emotional ties altogether for a significant number of young people, as sexual behavior is no longer sub¬ject to the restrictions of romantic love or dating.2 The right of the indi¬vidual to choose his or her own mate, lover, or friend is now a cultural imperative.3 For older adults, the loss of traditional ways to find part¬ners, the loss of time and access to conventional ways of meeting people, personal advertising are relevant to the formation of personal relation¬ships, until recently, the phenomenon of personal advertising as a form of courtship has received relatively little attention from sociologists.9 Most of the scholarly attention to personal advertising emerges from social-psychological studies that focus on the traits sought by persons of different sexual orientations or sexes through the use of classified print and online advertisements.10 Some scholars have examined per¬sonal advertising as a way to comprehend race relations in our society.11 This work has called for rethinking the relationship between race and gender in personal advertising (i.e., Asian males and African American females are more highly excluded from cross-racial relationships than are other groups).
With the explosion of the Internet, communications and media scholars have focused on the discursive strategies used in online dat¬ing.12 Other social scientists have examined conversations between speed daters to determine how some participants manage to connect with one another while others do not.13 These studies inform us about the persistence of sex roles, how new technology mediates the con¬structing and performing of identity, and the strategic use of language in mating. However, the emphasis in social psychology and sociology has been on identifying categories of exchange, which include: the qual¬ities women and men are looking for in each other instead of the ways that race, gender, class, sexual orientation, and even disability con¬tinue to structure relationships; how these master categories intersect and influence the formation of relationships; and the impact of particu¬lar contexts within which identities are performed. Additionally, most studies have focused explicitly on the ad contents, whether placed in print or on the Internet, as opposed to presenting the voices of par¬ticipants in personal advertising. Such questions about how men and women do identity and how they experience personal advertising are rarely addressed.