دانلود کتاب آرمان‌های شورشی: فمینیسم، عدالت، همبستگی

Having lived as a feminist scholar-activist, confronting multiple systemic inequities in different geopolitical contexts, and being involved in many communities dreaming about and organizing for freedom, I see this book as an evolving record, a document of my work on many fronts over the past two decades. I have focused in particular on the challenge of insurgent praxis and anticapitalist feminist futures. Insurgencies are about resistance, about militant challenges to the status quo, about the radical transformation of everyday life; what I call “insurgent feminism” incorporates all these practices. Insurgent feminism seeks to explicitly contest and replace the imperialist, heteronormative, and racialized practice of violence grounded in gender relations. It seeks to unsettle existing power structures in order to imagine and enact new relationships, forging new subjectivities, epistemologies, and communities. It is precisely this kind of insurgent feminist praxis from which I draw inspiration and which I hope to support in my scholarly work. Growing up in urban India, teaching high school in Lagos, Nigeria, and living for over four decades in the United States as an immigrant woman of color from the global South have all shaped my intellectual vision. While decolonization and antiracist, anti-imperialist feminist thought and the politics of common differences have always been key to my feminist praxis, what has preoccupied me in recent years are the implications of militarism, neoliberalism, settler colonialism, racial and religious supremacies, and the carceral state. I believe some of the economic and political challenges for new generations of radical scholar-activists are continuous with late twentieth-century struggles against colonization, heteropatriarchy, and racial capitalism. But they also demand new ways of understanding the hegemony of the global right, the rise of authoritarian cultures, white supremacy and religious fundamentalisms, and the consolidation of carceral regimes both within and outside the borders of the nation-state. I still remember the excitement of encountering the Combahee River Collective (crc) statement as a graduate student in the late 1970s. At that time, I was a young socialist-feminist reading everything I could lay my hands on, but it wasn’t until 1979, when I read the crc statement, that I understood that feminist praxis could speak to me—a (at that time) third world, postcolonial socialist-feminist teaching herself the landscape of race and capitalism in the United States. The crc traces its formation to the mid-1970s on the East Coast. A few years earlier, in 1970, the Third World Women’s Alliance (twwa) emerged on the West Coast. The twwa grew out of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (sncc) in the late 1960s. Frances Beal started the Black Women’s Liberation Committee within sncc, which then split from sncc and became the Black Women’s Alliance (bwa). Between 1969 and 1970, the bwa added questions of capitalism and imperialism to its analysis of racism; it became the twwa in 1970, out of a debate around whether to admit members from the Puerto Rican Independence Movement and the Puerto Rican Socialist Party. Using this US-grounded, third worldist framework, the twwa eventually transformed into the Alliance Against Women’s Oppression and subsequently into the Women of Color Resource Center in Oakland, California.