دانلود کتاب هوش مصنوعی، خشونت مقدس و جنگ – مورد غزه

As I finish this book, the one-year anniversary of the October 7 Hamas attack is being remembered. But, of course, that was not the beginning of conflict over the land “between the river and the sea.” It is thousands of years old. Nor, is it even the start of Palestinians resisting invading Zionists. That war is over a century old, and is far from over. Still, it might seem new, what with the whole world watching through the unprecedented media web that embraces us all, with AI targeting the destruction of Gaza and computer networks exploding thousands of phones and other devices across Lebanon, while at the same time sophisticated digitalized apartheid surveillance directs the oppression and dispossession of the inhabitants of the West Bank. But look a little deeper and it seems all too familiar—razing cities, assassinating enemies, storming fortifications, occupying territory, and terrorizing noncombatants. New military techs don’t change the brutal calculus of war, no matter how much military practitioners wish they did. It is civilian technologies that have made genocide and ethnic cleaning politically problematic, even as technoscience has made them physically easier. War is now won in the hearts and minds of the participants, and in the hearts and minds of the judging observers of the world. Although the exact details of Israeli military AI are top-secret, it is not that hard to discern what is happening because we know the history, the companies involved, the military results of the programs, and how the technologies work. Plus, we have the accounts of whistleblowers who have come forward to talk to investigative journalists. In particular, +972 Magazine reporting on Gospel, Lavender, and the Where’s Daddy programs was extraordinarily helpful. I need to add that in the current climate of hatred and fear, where crit-icism of Israel is routinely labeled anti-Semitism, I do not conflate Israel’s policies with Judaism. I do not consider that the Jews of the world are responsible for what one particular nation-state led by a rightwing party founded by terrorists (Revisionist Zionist) allied with Jewish fundamental-ists does. Indeed, I am a long-standing member of Jewish Voice for Peace, and I am Jewish by Nazi law, thanks to Les “don’t call me grandpa” Hables. While I am an academic, and this book draws on my training, exper-tise, and research, it is also a very personal project. I know about Israel’s military doctrine because my work used to be a part of it. In 2000 I attended the Israel Defense Force (IDF) co-sponsored “Martial Ecolo-gies” conference in Israel, and the next year I visited Israel again to lecture at the IDF’s Staff and Command College. For years my book Postmodern War: The New Politics of Conflict was required reading for all Israeli officers who aspired to higher command. At the time, Israel had a vibrant Peace Movement and even in the military there were many outspoken supporters of a two-state solution. But my host, General Shimon Naveh, commander of the Staff and Command College, was not optimistic. He introduced me to the IDF’s first Orthodox general and said soon the military would be dominated by people who did not believe in co-existence with Palestinians. The peace activists I met then—Jewish, Moslem, Christian, Secular—shared this pessimism. They saw the same changes happening in Israeli society at large. Twenty-five years later they have been proven right. This book focuses on the dangers and immorality of Israeli military policy in their war with the Palestinians, but in no way is it an apologia for Hamas (or Hezbollah or Islamic Jihad or even the very corrupt and co-opted PLO). I denounce all terrorism (attacks on civilians), War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity, including many of the actions by Hamas and other groups. I have a visceral distaste for bloody fanaticism. I believe people should be free to govern themselves in their own lands—not ruled by invaders or the rich. And free in control of their bodies, their thoughts, their expressions, and their loves. I have put my career, my own freedoms, and my life on the line for these principles and will continue to do so. But this book is not about Hamas and how the Palestinian people are struggling to survive; it is about Israel and its mobilization of high-tech and sacred violence in their attempt to end Palestine. A book inevitably has errors. I apologize for them and take full responsibility.